Helpful Texts

Andreas Heuser {*}

God, Nation and Education

About the Ordinariness of Religion in Ghana

From: Herder Korrespondenz, 2006/12, P. 631-636

Religion is firmly interwoven with Ghana's society, which next year will celebrate the fiftieth anniversary of its foundation as a state. Christianity and education are almost classically connected with each other. The social services of the Catholic Church, too, enjoy high appreciation.

In March 2007 Ghana will celebrate the fiftieth anniversary of its foundation as a state. The country’s constitution is secular. But it is foreseeable that the choreography of this festive event will considerably fall back on the repertoire of religious staging. For in Ghana religion is not only a public affair, religious language is, so to speak, the lingua franca in people’s everyday life. Discourses about God and religion can hardly be avoided. On school booklets of any variation, in use in Ghana's primary schools, a political map of Ghana is found on the rear booklet cover showing the country’s provinces and the respective principal places. On the front cover the portrait of a pupil is found, whose school uniform of British model identifies him as a successful school-leaver.

632

In order to get back to everyday life in school the primary school pupils, who are looking forward to such a glorious end of their scholastic learning phase in years to come only, some lines are entered below it, where the pupils can write down their names, their school, and their class. Above the front picture printed in italics towers the motto: In God We Trust - Ghana Schools.

In this arbitrary example of the presence of religion in Ghana's everyday life thus a triple identification code is found: A young man at the age of a pupil first identifies himself with the educational offer of a certain village or town school; at the same time this locally limited point of reference is extended to the larger political level, the nation. And finally relation to God, which transcends everything, implies that school education (which does not keep secret its western origin) and religious education go hand in hand.

But there is still a further statement, which as it were as subtext runs through the entire arrangement of signs and references: Although public education in Ghana nowadays is mainly in national responsibility, the country’s political development seems not conceivable as a purely secular, lay affair. Summarized, the design of usual school booklets mentioned says that present and future are subject, as it were, to God's rule - or also to the divine objection to the everyday life of the individual as well as of the state.

Doctrinaire Distinctions are Secondary

To give God the highest honour, seems - with reference to Africa no over noteworthy characteristic. Time and again it is stated that African people (or even Africa) were incurably religious, hence the relation to God was the normality of African coping with existence. This thesis, which has of course to reckon with protest, argues anthropologically, and has also been set up to hold the mirror up to the increasing secularism of western societies. In view of our example this ordinariness of religion in Ghana is confirmed indeed.

In view of many controversial events the interconnection of political and religious claims at first appears like a critical comment on the country’s recent political history. When the then Gold Coast after domestic turmoil, which had dragged on for over a decade, finally gained national independence from the British colonial power, this almost catapulted many religions of sub-Sahara Africa into a new era. Ghana's declaration of independence became the model of Africa's recent political history, and a wave of decolonization began throughout the continent.

But the euphoria of the first years in Ghana soon evaporated in socio-political experiments of an African socialism, followed by authoritarian regimes, replaced by different military putsches, which not only claimed a large number of political victims, but also caused the emigration of thousands of refugees into political asylum in Europe and elsewhere. In view of all these turbulences dragging on over the first four decades of Ghana's independence, relating to God seems the only reliable thing in the struggle for power of the state that had become independent.

But which relation to God is meant in concrete terms? A Ghanaian proverb says: "Too much meat does not spoil any soup." This means doctrinaire distinctions are secondary. Let us look at our example, the school booklet. It suggests a trinity of God, nation and education. From that however a first assumption could be derived, namely that it is all about entrusting the nation’s fate to the Christian God.

Public education and Christianity combined with each other have been the identical twins of the history of mission since the early nineteenth century. It is true Christianity reached the coast of today's Ghana already at the end of the fifteenth century, as a result of the expansion of the Portuguese trade empire to Western Africa. But only now the building of churches and even most simple schools went hand in hand. Wherever the Christian faith was spread, at the same time measures against illiteracy were taken (for a campaign in the population). The one was not conceivable without the other. More and more graduates of those mission schools could be baptized, some of them were later trained to become the first native catechists.

This led to the fact that up to independence the education system was in the care of the church. Only with decolonisation all schools were put under national sovereignty, because the veterans of independence had an ambivalent relationship with the missionary Christianity. The visionaries of the anti-colonial movement in Ghana (like elsewhere in Africa) were inspired by an African nationalism, and aimed ideologically at the establishment of a pan-African confederation of states.

On the one hand almost the entire new political elite had once gone through the educational system of the missionary church; on the other hand they had led the liberation struggle also against the missionary churches, which they felt to be foreign bodies in the new state.

633

They questioned their right to exist by transferring the Biblical language to their own political context. This procedure of symbolic adoption unfolded its greatest effect when some political leaders were vested with Messianic qualities.

This in particular applied to President Kwame Nkrumah, who wanted to lead Ghana toward the "Day of Liberation"; thus he described in his own words national independence. Nkrumah, who had grown up as a Catholic, had studied Protestant theology in the USA, downright juggled with Biblical allusions, what only increased his popularity in Ghana. The charismatic leader’s popularity condensed as it were to a religious manifesto. Nkrumah was revered in the form of creeds which followed in style and structure the Apostles' Creed. One of them reads, "I believe in Kwame Nkrumah, the manful leader of our homeland, the founder of our schools". So the public legitimized the new era of politics.

The declaration of loyalty to Nkrumah and his "Holy Crusade for Liberty", as is then said, shows two different things: it states that formal education is a prime political aim in "re-establishing our rights", and it postulates together with the "destruction of foreign rule" the final resignation of the educational inheritance specifically answered for by the mission church.

But contrary to the formulas of emancipation presented with great rhetorical verve, the young state could hardly warrant full school supply, and had no choice but to retain a division of labour. Schools were subordinated to the official national guidelines, but many schools went on to be run by so-called "historical" or mainline churches, hence by churches - first and foremost the Methodist, Presbyterian and Roman-Catholic Church – that originated from former mission churches. Up to this day such schools run by a church could keep the status of exemplary education places, and still the majority of the country’s social elite has an educational biography in institutions administered by the historical churches.

Return to the Historical Churches

The comparatively high standing education in Ghana enjoys some years ago led to the opening of the national monopoly of education. For about ten years the foundation of more and more private schools and private universities can be observed. Many of these new establishments again go back to church initiatives. The traditional educational landscape shifts gradually though. Within the last five years some of the so-called Charismatic and Pentecostal Churches founded institutions of tertiary education.

These churches are characterised by a lively emphasis on the charismas of the New Testament, i.e. they count on God's actual intervention against the uncertainties and dangers of daily existence. Hence healing and prophecy, exorcisms and protective rituals are prominent peculiarities of these churches. Their theology emphasizes the "New Birth" by the exclusive working of the Holy Ghost, which is to be confirmed by the individuals' active faith - less by a parish as social structure -, in prayer and a "sanctified" way of life. With this theological inventory the Charismatic-Pentecostal Churches blew up the conventional church landscape in Ghana.

Pentecostal Churches Found Educational Institutions

These churches for the first time put themselves in the limelight at about the end of the seventies. In several stages, in which each time slight shifts of the theological main focus can be detected, they gained more and more ground. In particular in the nineties they above all recruited also members in the historical churches. Due to the increasing pressure of church competition these opened for theological concerns of the Charismatic-Pentecostal Movement. This led, as at present can be observed, to a return of many "ex-members" back into the historical churches.

A certain exception in this picture of migration and return movement is the Catholic Church in Ghana. It is quite strongly represented in the north of the country, an above all rural and underprivileged region. There especially the social services of the church are well received. After the classical model of mission churches it is dedicated to the development of its education system, often combined with incentives for improved health care. This commitment led to a continuous growth of the church. But it grows also in the south.

A look into the statistics shows a remarkable doubling of the number of its members between 1980 and 1998 At present they are estimated at 2.3 million. The three archdioceses of Accra, Cape Coast and Tamale show growth rates of up to 41 per cent for this period. A substantial reason for the attractiveness of the Catholic Church is the Catholic Renewal Movement, a charismatically inspired renewal movement, which kept many faithful from joining other churches.

On the other hand it can be seen that Charismatic and Pentecostal Churches strive to adopt the formal educational ethos of the historical churches. Up to now education was at most of subordinate importance in their ecclesiological conception of themselves.

634

On the contrary, they even accused the historical churches with their activities in the field of education of refraining from the most important thing, i.e. the propagation of Jesus' salvation and redemption.

Meanwhile however, on the summit of their charisma some church leaders from the charismatical-pentecostal milieu see the educational question as a question of church survival. Consequently substantial financial resources flow into the building of schools and universities. With the foundation of educational centres they try to acquire the former characteristic of the mainline churches, to copy their public image. Just those churches to which in the past a certain distance to education was attributed, now aim at founding formal educational centres.

Consequently they too as regards Ghana confirm the classical interconnection of Christianity and formal education. It is interesting that the official rate of alphabetization in Ghana with approximately 65 per cent to some extent corresponds to the Christian part of the whole population Hence there are lots of points in favour of assuming that the formula "In God We Trust" is a genuine Christian confession of faith in God.

An Extremely Plural Islam

But in recent time also Muslim educational institutions become the focus of public attention in Ghana. Recently besides some schools there is also a first university run by Muslims. That means that Muslims in Ghana deliberately enter into competition with Christian churches of any shade. So far it was quite usual that Muslim children were educated for instance at secondary schools run by Christians. This Christian monopoly of learning is to be broken up. Quite obviously in Ghana religious identities are moulded by the existence of educational institutions. The sovereignty over educational offers seems to express the sovereignty of the respective divine worship.

While Christianity since the nineteenth century spread from the coastal region to the north, the routes of Islam's spread in Ghana ran the other way round, from the Sahel zone in the neighbouring north to the south of Ghana. Historically Islam in Ghana was established since the fourteenth century and so precedes the arrival of Christianity. Statistically seen - according to the data of the last census from the year 2000 - about 16 per cent of the total population are of Muslim faith. They form no uniform block, but branch out into one direction or the other.

There have been conflict lines in the recent past between Muslim and Christian groups of the population almost exclusively limited to the north. But in those quarrels unsettled land questions rather than religious demarcations are of importance. Religious conflicts in the proper sense are fought out especially within the different Islamic traditions, and this primarily because influences from outside have an effect on the religious peace in Ghana.

The Sunni Islam (of the Malikit law school) constitutes the majority among Ghana’s Muslims. At the same time Sufi Brotherhoods (of the Tijaniyya and Qadariyya) are popular, which have strong religious characteristics in keeping with national traditions; thus they for example permit wearing amulets for the defence against bad powers, and attach great importance to prophecies.

Besides, the plurality of Islam is characterised by the fact that Ghana after Pakistan has world-wide the second largest number of followers of the Ahmadiya movement. Synchronously with its emerging in Ghana (since 1912) Islam's image changed. Ahmadiya, which is avoided by other Muslims as heretical (for they venerate their founder, Ghulam Ahmad, as Messiah), increasingly banked on the promotion of the educational system, and so could win new strata of members just among the southern groups of the population, among which Christianity was established in various forms.

Recently Islamic reform groups of different origin representing a more rigid view of the Muslim faith, get themselves much talked about. Contrary to the older traditions, which know religious characteristics in keeping with national traditions, the reform movement demands ritual purity. It is a matter of Wahabit and Shiite influences, and the financial contributions from Saudi Arabia, Libya, and also from Iran clearly increase. This appears in the public presence of Islam by the massive construction of mosques; the new mosques predominantly have the classical Arab design, and are preferentially situated at national link roads.

Islamic communities so enter into visible competition especially with the recently many and diverse Charismatic-Pentecostal Churches. Also among Pentecostal Churches the new church buildings are particularly prominent. Here the expressiveness of a church building is seen as indication of a well administered and active missionary church community, and what is more, of the particular closeness of this church to God. Analogously Islamic groups demonstrate a strengthened self-confidence with their sacral Muslim architecture. The reform movement supports the customary Koran schools, but attributes particular importance to an autonomous education at schools as well as at universities under basic conditions corresponding to Islamic faith.

Like Ahmadiya it therefore since the beginning of the seventies promotes the building of appropriate educational centres. Traditionally however those who study Islam for further qualification are sent

635

to Arab or Iranian universities. Only recently an Islamic university was opened in the capital Accra. Hence the newer trends within Islam in Ghana are aimed at weakening the conventional liaison of Christian creed and formal education. If Ghanaian pupils take their school booklet into their hands, the label "In God We Trust" can increasingly also stand for the one God of Islam.

The Politically Most Stable Country of the Whole Region

Who asks for the denotation of the term "God", will get the answer that thereby the God of heaven is meant, God the creator. It is this dimension of the adoration of God, which is even visualized in a symbol, the so-called "Gye Nyame". Gye Nyame approximately means: "Nothing but God", or in paraphrase: nobody can intervene but "God alone". It is omnipresent. As symbol it is found on church doors, as sticker on taxis, as intarsia in furniture, and as ornament on garden fences and on umbrellas. This specific symbolic presence of God the creator and ruler - everyone is aware of this -, dates from pre-Christian and pre-Islamic African religion. In some areas of Ghana the official number of its amounts up to 47 per cent, on the national average - depending in each case upon the statistical basis - between 10 to 25 per cent of the population. That is why this symbol of God in combination with several other symbols frequently turns up in African "shrines".

636

Among those shrines, which are administered by traditional religious seers and healers and their entourage, are some of regional repercussion, but also such of nation-wide importance. Especially these national shrines work in the midst of by the majority Islamic regions of Ghana. From there, hence mostly from the north of the country, they extend with branch shrines into the by the majority Christian south. It is not their interest to influence future generations by a network of educational institutions. They offer alternative interpretations of life, by emphasizing ritual acts as essential aspect of religion.

African shrines perform rituals of protection against everything that threatens happiness of life, growth, and healing. So their religious activity refers to the same crucial spheres of preserving existence and fending off evil, which to a considerable extent also appear in the spiritual performances of the young charismatic-pentecostal churches as well as of the older Islamic native religion.

Considered all in all religion remains interwoven with Ghana's social system; discourses on God can be made out in social institutions and in the public world of symbols. One negotiates over the image of God on the basis of religious pluralism, and "God" remains a currant cipher giving guidance to everyday social life. The festivities in memory of the foundation of the state in 2007 will not get along without reference to God. The formula of confession "In God We Trust" does not permit the conclusion that it demands a model of rule that does not know the separation in principle of state and religion. It only points out a civilian-religious matter of course. This is also why the anniversary will be celebrated under the direction of a democratically re-elected president.

After an eventful history Ghana at present is regarded as the politically most stable country of the entire region, and presents a functioning parliamentary system. It is foreseeable that the public prayer ritual which will ring the bell to signal the start of the national ceremony will be spoken alternately by representatives of the African religion, Islam, and the Christian churches - in this order, which grants a certain privilege of representation to the older religious tradition on Ghanaian soil. At least the historical churches with the acquisition of independence gained an important social role, and distinguished themselves as guardians of human rights. Even those among them that did not actively support the movement of independence, especially in the long periods of military governments (from 1972 to 1979 and between 1981 and 1992) adopted oppositional positions, and demanded stronger processes of democratization. They retain this tradition of good governance up to this day.

{*} The minister and political scientist Andreas Heuser (born in 1961) attained a doctorate in scientific studies of missionary methods and problems and religious studies, with a main field of research in African history of religion and church history. He is a theological advisor to churches of African origin in Europe. At present he occupies a profile post for ecumenism and education of the Protestant Church in Hessian and Nassau.